Equity, inclusion and Canada’s COVID Alert app

Photo by Anton Uniqueton on Pexels.com

The governments of Canada and Ontario announced the release of their COVID Alert exposure notification app on July 31. The application has been developed with privacy protection in mind, and has undergone governmental and private-sector reviews of its security and privacy. It has received high praise from many notable members of Canada’s privacy community, many of whom—myself included—have installed the application.

Despite this, the app still raises concerns of a non-technical nature – particularly when it comes to equity and inclusion.

COVID Alert App 101

COVID Alert can currently be used by residents of Ontario to receive exposure notifications. Canadian residents outside of Ontario can download the app but it won’t gain full functionality until their provincial heath authority joins the project. The application uses the exposure notification framework that was created by Google and Apple, and integrated into the companies’ respective operating systems.

COVID Alert does not collect:

  • Your name or address;
  • Your phone’s contacts;
  • Your health information;
  • The health information of people around you; or
  • Your location.

A smartphone with the app installed will generate random codes every five minutes and transmit them using Bluetooth to any phone within two metres that also has the app installed. Your smartphone will retain a log of all the codes that have been received for 14 days; information is deleted after that period. If the code of a person who has tested positive for COVID-19, and has uploaded their status to a government server, is found to be proximate to your device for 15 minutes or more, your device will notify you. At no point does the app collect any person’s name or the places they have visited; if you receive an exposure notification, neither the app nor the government can tell you who tested positive for COVID-19 or where you were potentially exposed to the disease. (For a more far more detailed overview of how Apple and Google’s exposure notification framework operates, see Hussein Nasser’s explainer video.)

The server will normally retain data for three months when devices contact the server, or up to two years if suspicious activity is identified. Access to these logs are highly restricted to authorized users who are bound to security obligations to protect, and not misuse, the data.

In addition to strong technical safeguards associated with the Apple-Google framework, the federal and Ontario privacy commissioners conducted their own privacy reviews of the app. The app’s developers spent a significant amount of time ensuring it was maximally accessible to Canadianswho may have visual, auditory or other physical impairments. Both the Canadian Centre for Cyber Security and BlackBerry Security have assessed the application’s security, and a formal vulnerability disclosure process for the application has been created. Finally, the Canadian government has established an Advisory Council composed of members of industry, academia and civil society, and is developing a framework to define and evaluate the app’s effectiveness, which will include an audit by the Office of the Privacy Commissioner of Canada and Health Canada later this year. If the app if found to be ineffective it will be decommissioned.

Considering all of this, the Canadian government and its provincial partner are to be congratulated on learning from many of the lessons of their international peers by collecting a minimum amount of data, developing a secure app and subjecting themselves and the Covid Alert app to substantial accountability checks.

Access and Equity Issues Remain

As I wrote at the onset of the pandemic, any COVID-19 apps must be developed with social inclusivity in mind. Technologies are inherently political in nature and their design, in part, defines what is and isn’t normal behaviour, what its use cases are, and what social norms govern its use. Inclusive policy design should accompany technologies that are intended to be used throughout society; at minimum, policy-makers should ask: Who is this technology designed for? What is this technology specifically intended to do or change in society? Who is included or excluded from using this technology? And, how might this technology detrimentally affect some members of society? It is this set of questions that brings some of the limitations of the COVID Alert app to the fore.

The COVID Alert application is designed for Canadians who own sufficiently recent smartphones; this means that people lacking such smartphones are excluded from using the app. A June 2020 study from Ryerson University’s Cybersecure Policy Exchange showed that 26 per cent of households earning less than $20,000, and about the same percentage of people over 60 years old, lack a smartphone. Similarly, people who identify as Black, Indigenous and people of colour tend to be less affluent and, as such, are less likely to own smartphones capable of installing the application. All of the aforementioned groups — the less economically advantaged, the elderly and racialized communities — have tended to disproportionately suffer the effects of COVID-19.

The COVID Alert app is designed to achieve positive social goods — to mitigate the spread of disease — but there are live questions about an app’s ability to accomplish this goal. A team from Oxford University developed a model in April 2020 that found that approximately 60 per cent of the U.K.’s general population would need to install an app for it to be fully effective; this measures out to approximately 80 per cent of all smartphone users in that country. A lower adoption rate may still potentially help to inhibit the spread of COVID-19, but at less dramatic rates.

Beyond questions of the actual efficacy of any given app, there are also potential unintended consequences that might disproportionately affect those who enjoy less privilege in Canadian society. First, carding is a pernicious problem in Canada and there is a risk that law enforcement officers, or other public officers, might demand to see a person’s app to assess whether that person has been exposed to COVID-19. With an unlocked device in hand, officers could search through the device for potentially incriminating materials they otherwise would not have been able to access; these kinds of activities would be a continuation of the enhanced and often illegal searches that Black-identifying Canadians are often subjected to. A recent report from the Canadian Civil Liberties Association found that law enforcement agencies have disproportionately applied law throughout the pandemic to “Black, Indigenous, and other racialized groups, those with precarious housing, recent immigrants, youth, members of the LGBTQ2S community, and certain religious minorities.” It is reasonable to worry that over-policing will extend to so-called “exposure checks” that then turn into smartphone fishing expeditions.

Second, private organizations, such as businesses, may also demand that individuals reveal their COVID-19 exposure status before entering workplaces. Some individuals, such as those who cannot afford a sufficiently up-to-date smartphone or who have lost their phone and cannot afford to replace it, may be denied access to employment. Similarly, if showing one’s COVID-19 status is a prerequisite to entering a shop, these same people may be denied access to grocery stores, pharmacies or other essential businesses.

Some Canadians may regard the aforementioned risks as merely theoretical, or as too high a bar to climb in a time of crisis. Such a response, however, misses the very point: the potential harms are linked to implicit social biases and structural inequality that means some in Canadian society have to worry about these risks, whereas others do not. When Canadian leaders assert that they want to build more inclusive societies, the aforementioned issues associated with the COVID app lay bare social inequity and demonstrate the need for government to explain how it expects to ameliorate these inequities through policy and law. Ignoring these inequities is not an option for a truly inclusive society.

COVID Alert and Inclusive Policy

In the excellent accessibility documentation that accompanies the COVID Alert app, the Canadian Digital Service acknowledges that:

“Some people may have phones or operating systems that do not support downloading the app. And some people may not have smart phones at all. Many people may not have affordable access to the Internet, and the app needs an Internet connection at least once a day to work. … COVID Alert is one part of our public health effort to limit COVID-19. The app does not replace manual contact tracing by local public health authorities. Manual contact tracing is available to everyone in Canada, along with other important resources.”

This acknowledgement is important, and positive, insofar as it showcases that the developers recognize the app’s shortcomings and make clear that other resources are available to Canadians to mitigate the spread of COVID-19. But the governments of Canada and Ontario can go much further to address these limitations, as well as the potential harms linked with the COVID Alert app.

First, governments of Canada can pass legislation that bars public officials, as well as private individuals or organizations, from demanding that individuals install the application or compelling individuals to disclose any information from their COVID-19 app. This legislation could make it a criminal offence to issue such a request in order to prevent police, social workers, landlords, retail staff or others from conducting “exposure checks” that can be used to discriminate against minority populations or less advantaged members of society. Not only would such legislation bar bad behaviour by punishing individuals who inappropriately access information on smartphones, but it might increase trust in the application by firmly giving individuals genuine control over the information held in the app.

Second, the federal and provincial governments can rapidly explain how they will ensure that there is equity in the kinds of health responses that are provided to all Canadians, including those who are less affluent or privileged. Given that governments are unlikely to supply less-advantaged residents of Canada with smartphones that can run the COVID-19 app or subsidize their purchase, the government could explain what other policies will be implemented to ensure that all Canadians enjoy health monitoring; this might, as an example, include increased availability of testing in less affluent communities, focused public outreach conducted through local health authorities and community groups, or broader efforts to meaningfully invest in the social determinants of health that are known to increase health resiliency.

Third, and relatedly, the governments should rapidly release information about how, specifically, the federal and provincial departments of health will assess the success or efficacy of the COVID Alert app. Canadians deserve to know how the government is modelling success and failure, and how the government is accounting for the fact that many less affluent and older residents of Canada lack smartphones capable of installing the COVID Alert app. Without clear success or failure criteria, the COVID Alert app risks becoming a prop in “pandemic theatre” as opposed to a demonstrably effective tool to mitigate the spread of the disease. Given that public and private groups had time to assess the app’s privacy and security properties, it is shocking that health officials have yet to explain how the app’s utility should be measured.

In summary, the technical teams that developed the application, the bodies responsible for assessing the app’s security, and the privacy commissioners’ offices have all performed admirably. The overlapping accountability regimes surrounding the app should provide confidence to Canadians that the app itself will not be used to nefariously collect data, and the app will be decommissioned once shown to be ineffective or no longer needed. But more is needed. Governments that have committed to inclusive policy design must go beyond making the design of the technology accessible, to making it accessible for all people to either safely access and use, or to have access to equivalent public health protections. Governments in Canada must focus on building up trust and proving that public health efforts are being designed to protect all residents of Canada, and especially those most detrimentally affected by the pandemic. The time for action is now.

(This article was first published by First Policy Response.)

We Chat, They Watch: How International Users Unwittingly Build up WeChat’s Chinese Censorship Apparatus

(Photo by Maxim Hopman on Unsplash)

Over the past several months I’ve had the distinct honour to work with, and learn from, a number of close colleagues and friends on the topic of surveillance and censorship that takes place on WeChat. We have published a report with the Citizen Lab entitled, “We Chat, They Watch: How International Users Unwittingly Build up WeChat’s Chinese Censorship Apparatus.” The report undertook a mixed methods approach to understand how non-China registered WeChat accounts were subjected to surveillance which was, then, used to develop a censorship list that is applied to users who have registered their accounts in China. Specifically, the report:

  • Presents results from technical experiments which reveal that WeChat communications conducted entirely among non-China-registered accounts are subject to pervasive content surveillance that was previously thought to be exclusively reserved for China-registered accounts.
  • Documents and images transmitted entirely among non-China-registered accounts undergo content surveillance wherein these files are analyzed for content that is politically sensitive in China.
  • Upon analysis, files deemed politically sensitive are used to invisibly train and build up WeChat’s Chinese political censorship system.
  • From public information, it is unclear how Tencent uses non-Chinese-registered users’ data to enable content blocking or which policy rationale permits the sharing of data used for blocking between international and China regions of WeChat.
  • Tencent’s responses to data access requests failed to clarify how data from international users is used to enable political censorship of the platform in China.

You can download the report as a pdf, or read it on the Web in its entirety at the Citizen Lab’s website. There is also a corresponding FAQ to quickly answer questions that you may have about the report.

Canada’s New and Irresponsible Encryption Policy: How the Government of Canada’s New Policy Threatens Charter Rights, Cybersecurity, Economic Growth, and Foreign Policy

Photo by Marco Verch (CC BY 2.0) https://flic.kr/p/RjMXMP

The Government of Canada has historically opposed the calls of its western allies to undermine the encryption protocols and associated applications that secure Canadians’ communications and devices from criminal and illicit activities. In particular, over the past two years the Minister of Public Safety, Ralph Goodale, has communicated to Canada’s Five Eyes allies that Canada will neither adopt or advance an irresponsible encryption policy that would compel private companies to deliberately inject weaknesses into cryptographic algorithms or the applications that facilitate encrypted communications. This year, however, the tide may have turned, with the Minister apparently deciding to adopt the very irresponsible encryption policy position he had previously steadfastly opposed. To be clear, should the Government of Canada, along with its allies, compel private companies to deliberately sabotage strong and robust encryption protocols and systems, then basic rights and freedoms, cybersecurity, economic development, and foreign policy goals will all be jeopardized.

This article begins by briefly outlining the history and recent developments in the Canadian government’s thinking about strong encryption. Next, the article showcases how government agencies have failed to produce reliable information which supports the Minister’s position that encryption is significantly contributing to public safety risks. After outlining the government’s deficient rationales for calling for the weakening of strong encryption, the article shifts to discuss the rights which are enabled and secured as private companies integrate strong encryption into their devices and services, as well as why deliberately weakening encryption will lead to a series of deeply problematic policy outcomes. The article concludes by summarizing why it is important that the Canadian government walk back from its newly adopted irresponsible encryption policy.

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A Predator in Your Pocket : A Multidisciplinary Assessment of the Stalkerware Application Industry

With a series of incredible co-authors at the Citizen Lab, I’ve co-authored a report that extensively investigates the stalkerware ecosystem. Stalkerware refers to spyware which is either deliberately manufactured to, or repurposed to, facilitate intimate partner violence, abuse, or harassment. “A Predator in Your Pocket” is accompanied by a companion legal report, also released by the Citizen Lab. This companion report is entitled “Installing Fear: A Canadian Legal and Policy Analysis of Using, Developing, and Selling Smartphone Spyware and Stalkerware Applications,” and conducts a comprehensive criminal, civil, regulatory, and international law assessment of the legality of developing, selling, and using stalkerware.

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Practical Steps To Advance Cybersecurity in Canada’s Financial Sector

Last week I appeared before the Standing Committee on Public Safety and National Security (SECU) to testify about Cybersecurity in the financial sector as a national economic security issue. I provided oral comments to the committee which were, substantially, a truncated version of the brief I submitted. If so interested, my oral comments are available to download, and what follows in this post is the actual brief which was submitted.

Introduction

  1. I am a research associate at the Citizen Lab, Munk School of Global Affairs & Public Policy at the University of Toronto. My research explores the intersection of law, policy, and technology, with a focus on national security, data security, and data privacy issues. I submit these comments in a professional capacity representing my views and those of the Citizen Lab.

The State of Computer Insecurity

  1. Canadian government agencies, private businesses and financial institutions, and private individuals rely on common computing infrastructures. Apple iPhones and Android-based devices are used for professional and private life alike, just as are Microsoft Windows and MacOS. Vulnerabilities in such mobile and personal computing operating systems can prospectively be leveraged to obtain access to data on the targeted devices themselves, or utilized to move laterally in networked computing environments for reconnaissance, espionage, or attack purposes. Such threats are accentuated in a world where individuals routinely bring their own devices to the workplace, raising the prospect that personal devices can be compromised to obtain access to more securitized professional environments.
  2. The applications that we rely on to carry out business, similarly, tend to be used across the economy. Vulnerabilities in customer service applications, such as mobile banking applications, affect all classes of businesses, government departments, and private individuals. Also, underlying many of our commonly used programs are shared libraries, application programming interfaces (API), and random number generators (RNG); vulnerabilities such codebases are shared by all applications incorporating these pieces of code, thus prospectively endangering dozens, hundreds, or thousands of applications and systems. This sharedness of software between the public and private sector, and professional and private life, is becoming more common with the growth of common messaging, database, and storage systems, and will only become more routine over time.
  3. Furthermore, all sectors of the economy are increasingly reliant on third-party cloud computing services to process, retain, and analyze data which is essential to business and government operations, as well as personal life. The servers powering these cloud computing infrastructures are routinely found to have serious vulnerabilities either in the code powering them or, alternately, as a result of insufficient isolation of virtual servers from one another. The result is that vulnerabilities or errors in setting up cloud infrastructures prospectively enable third-parties to inappropriately access, modify, or exfiltrate information.
  4. In summary, the state of computer insecurity is profound. New vulnerabilities are discovered — and remediated — every day. Each week new and significant data breaches are reported on by major media outlets. And such breaches can be used to either engage in spearphishing — to obtain privileged access to information that is possessed by well-placed executives, employees, or other persons — or blackmail — as was threatened in the case of the Ashley Madison disclosures — or other nefarious activities. Vulnerabilities affecting computer security, writ large, threaten the financial sector and all other sectors of the economy, with the potential for information to be abused to the detriment of Canada’s national security interests.

Responsible Encryption Policies

  1. Given the state of computer (in)security, it is imperative that the Government of Canada adopt and advocate for responsible encryption policies. Such policies entail commitments to preserving the right of all groups in Canada — government, private enterprises, and private individuals — to use computer software using strong encryption. Strong encryption can be loosely defined as encryption algorithms for which no weakness or vulnerability is known or has been injected, as well as computer applications that do not deliberately contain weaknesses designed to undermine the effectiveness of the aforementioned algorithms.
  2. There have been calls in Canada,1 and by law enforcement agencies in allied countries,2 to ‘backdoor’ or otherwise weaken the protections that encryption provides. Succumbing to such calls will fundamentally endanger the security of all users of the affected computer software3 and, more broadly, threaten the security of any financial transactions which rely upon the affected applications, encryption algorithms, or software libraries.
  3. Some of Canada’s closest allies, such as Australia, have adopted irresponsible encryption policies which run the risk of introducing systemic vulnerabilities into the software used by the financial sector, as well as other elements of the economy and government functions.4 Once introduced, these vulnerabilities might be exploited by Australian intelligence, security, or law enforcement agencies in the course of their activities but, also, by actors holding adversarial interests towards Canada or the Canadian economy. Threats activities might be carried out against the SWIFT network, as just one example.5
  4. It is important to note that even Canada’s closest allies monitor Canadian banking information, often in excess of agreed upon surveillance mechanisms such as FINTRAC. As one example, information which was publicly disclosed by the Globe and Mail revealed that the United States of America’s National Security Agency (NSA) was monitoring Royal Bank of Canada’s Virtual Private Network (VPN) tunnels. The story suggested that the NSA’s activities could be a preliminary step in broader efforts to “identify, study and, if deemed necessary, “exploit” organizations’ internal communications networks.”6
  5. Access to strong, uncompromised encryption technology is critical to the economy. In a technological environment marked by high financial stakes, deep interdependence, and extraordinary complexity, ensuring digital security is of critical importance and extremely difficult. Encryption helps to ensure the security of financial transactions and preserves public trust in the digital marketplace. The cost of a security breach, theft, or loss of customer or corporate data can have devastating impacts for private sector interests and individuals’ rights. Any weakening of the very systems that protect against these threats would represent irresponsible policymaking. Access to strong encryption encourages consumer confidence that the technology they use is safe.
  6. Given the aforementioned threats, I ​recommend​ that the Government of Canada adopt a responsible encryption policy. Such a policy would entail a firm and perhaps legislative commitment to require that all sectors of the economy have access to strong encryption products, and would stand in opposition to irresponsible encryption policies, such as those calling for ‘backdoors’.

Vulnerabilities Equities Program

  1. The Canadian government presently has a process in place, whereby the Communications Security Establishment (CSE) obtains computer vulnerabilities and ascertains whether to retain them or disclose them to private companies or software maintainers to remediate the vulnerabilities. The CSE is motivated to retain vulnerabilities to obtain access to foreign systems as part of its signals intelligence mandate and, also, to disclose certain vulnerabilities to better secure government systems. To date, the CSE has declined to make public the specific process by which it weighs the equities in retaining or disclosing these vulnerabilities.7 It remains unclear if other government agencies have their own equities processes. The Canadian government’s current policy stands in contrast to that of the United States of America, where the White House has published how all federal government agencies evaluate whether or retain or disclose the existence of a vulnerability.8
  2. When agencies such as the CSE keep discovered vulnerabilities secret to later use them against specific targets, the unpatched vulnerabilities leave critical systems open to exploitation by other malicious actors who discover them. Vulnerability stockpiles kept by our agencies can be uncovered and used by adversaries. The NSA’s and Central Intelligence Agency’s (CIA) vulnerabilities have been leaked in recent years,9 with one of the NSA vulnerabilities used by malicious actors to cause at least $10B in commercial harm.10
  3. As it stands, it is not clear what considerations guide Canada’s intelligence agencies’ decision-making process when they decide whether to keep a discovered vulnerability for future use or to disclose it so that it is fixed. There is also no indication that potentially impacted entities such as private companies or civil society organizations are involved in the decision-making process.
  4. To reassure Canadian businesses, and make evident that Canadian intelligence and security agencies are not retaining vulnerabilities which could be used by non-government actors to endanger Canada’s financial sector by way of exploiting such vulnerabilities, I would ​recommend​ that the Government of Canada publicize its existing vulnerabilities equities program(s) and hold consultations on its effectiveness in protecting Canadian software and hardware that is used in the course of financial activities, amongst other economic activities.
  5. Furthermore, I would ​recommend​ that the Government of Canada include the business community and civil society stakeholders in the existing, or reformed, vulnerabilities equities program. Such stakeholders would be able to identify the risks of retaining certain vulnerabilities for the Canadian economy, such as prospectively facilitating ransomware, data deletion, data modification, identify theft for commercial or espionage purposes, or data access and exfiltration to the advantage of other nation-states’ advantage.

Vulnerability Disclosure Programs

  1. Security researchers routinely discover vulnerabilities in systems and software that are used in all walks of life, including in the financial sector. Such vulnerabilities can, in some cases, be used to inappropriately obtain access to data, modify data, exfiltrate data, or otherwise tamper with computer systems in ways which are detrimental to the parties controlling the systems and associated computer information. Relatively few organizations, however, have explicit procedures that guide researchers in how to responsibly disclose such vulnerabilities to the affected companies. Disclosing vulnerabilities absent a disclosure program can lead companies to inappropriately threaten litigation to whitehat security researchers, and such potentials reduce the willingness of researchers to disclose vulnerabilities absent a vulnerability disclosure program.11
  2. Responsible disclosure of vulnerabilities typically involves the following. First, companies make clear to whom vulnerabilities can be reported, assure researchers they will not be legally threatened for disclosing vulnerabilities, and explains the approximate period of time a company will take to remediate the vulnerability reported. Second, researchers commit to not publicly disclosing the vulnerability until either a certain period of time (e.g. 30-90 days) have elapsed since the reporting, or until the vulnerability is patched, whichever event occurs once. The delimitation of a time period before the vulnerability is publicly reported is designed to encourage companies to quickly remediate reported vulnerabilities, as opposed to waiting for excessive periods of time before doing so.
  3. I would ​recommend​ that the Government of Canada undertake, first, to establish a draft policy that financial sector companies, along with other sector companies, could adopt and which would establish the terms under which computer security researchers could report vulnerabilities to financial sector companies. Such a disclosure policy should establish to whom vulnerabilities are reported, how reports are treated internally, how long it will take for a vulnerability to be remediated, and insulate the security researchers from legal liability so long as they do not publicly disclose the vulnerability ahead of the established delimited period of time.
  4. I would also ​recommend​ that the Government of Canada ultimately move to mandate the adoption of vulnerability disclosure programs for its own departments given that they could be targeted by adversaries for the purposes of financially advantaging themselves to Canada’s detriment. Such policies have been adopted by the United States of America’s Department of Defense12 and explored by the State Departments,13 to the effect of having hundreds of vulnerabilities reported and subsequently remediated. Encouraging persons to report vulnerabilities to the Government of Canada will reduce the likelihood that the government’s own infrastructures are successfully exploited to the detriment of Canada’s national interests.
  5. Finally, I would ​recommend​ that our laws around unauthorized access be studied with an eye towards determining if they are too broad in their chill and impact on legitimate security researcher.

Two Factor Authentication Processes

  1. Login and password pairs are routinely exfiltrated from private companies’ databases. Given that many individuals either use the same pair across multiple services (e.g. for social media as well as for professional accounts) and, also, that many passwords are trivially guessed, it is imperative that private companies’ online accounts incorporate two factor authentication (2FA). 2FA refers to a situation where an individual must be in possession of at least two ‘factors’ to obtain access to their accounts. The ‘factors’ most typically used for authentication include something that you know (e.g. a PIN or password), something you have (e.g. hardware token or random token generator), or something that you are (biometric, e.g. fingerprint or iris scan).14
  2. While many financial sector companies use 2FA before employees can obtain access to their professional systems, the same is less commonly true of customer-facing login systems. It is important for these latter systems to also have strong 2FA to preclude unauthorized third-parties from obtaining access to personal financial accounts; such access can lead to better understandings of whether persons could be targeted by a foreign adversary for espionage recruitment, cause personal financial chaos (e.g. transferring monies to a third-party, cancelling automated bill payments, etc) designed to distract a person while a separate cyber activity is undertaken (e.g. distract a systems administrator to deal with personal financial activities, while then attempting to penetrate sensitive systems or accounts the individual administrates), or direct money to parties on terrorist watchlists.
  3. Some Canadian financial institutions do offer 2FA but typically default to a weak mode of second factor authentication. This is problematic because SMS is a weak communications medium, and can be easily subverted by a variety of means.15 This is why entities such as the United States’ National Institute of Standards and Technology no longer recommends SMS as a two factor authentication channel.16
  4. To improve the security of customer-facing accounts, I ​recommend​ that financial institutions should be required to offer 2FA to all clients and, furthermore, that such authentication utilize hardware or software tokens (e.g. one time password or random token generators). Implementing this recommendation will reduce the likelihood that unauthorized parties will obtain access to accounts for the purposes of recruitment or disruption activities.

Organizational Information

  1. The views I have presented are my own and based out of research that I and my colleagues have carried out at my place of employment, the Citizen Lab. The Citizen Lab is an interdisciplinary laboratory based at the Munk School of Global Affairs and Public Policy, University of Toronto, focusing on research, development, and high-level strategic policy and legal engagement at the intersection of information and communication technologies, human rights, and global security.
  2. We use a “mixed methods” approach to research combining practices from political science, law, computer science, and area studies. Our research includes: investigating digital espionage against civil society, documenting Internet filtering and other technologies and practices that impact freedom of expression online, analyzing privacy, security, and information controls of popular applications, and examining transparency and accountability mechanisms relevant to the relationship between corporations and state agencies regarding personal data and other surveillance activities.

1 RCMP’s ability to police digital realm ‘rapidly declining,’ commissioner warned, https://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/lucki-briefing-binde-cybercrime-1.4831340.
2 In the dark about ‘going dark’, https://www.cyberscoop.com/fbi-going-dark-encryption-ari-schwartz-op-ed/.
3 See: Keys Under Doormats: Mandating insecurity by requiring government access to all data and communications, https://dspace.mit.edu/handle/1721.1/97690; Shining A Light On The Encryption Debate: A Canadian Field Guide, https://citizenlab.ca/2018/05/shining-light-on-encryption-debate-canadian-field-guide/.
4 Civil Society Letter to Australian Government, February 21, 2019, https://newamericadotorg.s3.amazonaws.com/documents/Coalition_comments_Australia_Assistance_and_Access_Law_2018_Feb_21_2019.pdf; Australia’s Encryption Law Deals a Serious Blow to Privacy and Security, https://nationalinterest.org/feature/australia’s-encryption-law-deals-serious-blow-privacy-and-security-39212.
5 That Insane, $81M Bangladesh Bank Heist? Here’s What We Know, https://www.wired.com/2016/05/insane-81m-bangladesh-bank-heist-heres-know/.
6 NSA trying to map Rogers, RBC communications traffic, leak shows, https://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/national/nsa-trying-to-map-rogers-rbc-communications-traffic-leak- shows/article23491118/.
7 When do Canadian spies disclose the software flaws they find? There’s a policy, but few details, https://www.cbc.ca/news/technology/canada-cse-spies-zero-day-software-vulnerabilities-1.4276007.
8 Vulnerabilities Equities Policy and Process for the United States Government (November 15, 2017), https://www.whitehouse.gov/sites/whitehouse.gov/files/images/External%20-%20Unclassified%20VEP%20Charter%20FINAL.PDF.
9 Who Are the Shadow Brokers?, https://www.theatlantic.com/technology/archive/2017/05/shadow-brokers/527778/; WikiLeaks Starts Releasing Source Code For Alleged CIA Spying Tools, https://motherboard.vice.com/en_us/article/qv3xxm/wikileaks-vault-7-vault-8-cia-source-code.
10 The Untold Story of NotPetya, the Most Devastating Cyberattack in History, https://www.wired.com/story/notpetya-cyberattack-ukraine-russia-code-crashed-the-world/.
11 Vulnerability Disclosure Policies (VDP): Guidance for Financial Services, https://www.hackerone.com/sites/default/files/2018-07/VDP%20for%20Financial%20Services_Guide%20%281%29.pdf.
12 The Department of Defense wants more people to ‘hack the Pentagon’ — and is willing to pay them too, https://www.businessinsider.com/department-defense-wants-people-hack-pentagon-2018-10; DoD Vulnerability Disclosure Policy, https://hackerone.com/deptofdefense.
13 House panel approves bill to ‘hack’ the State Department, https://thehill.com/policy/cybersecurity/386897-house-panel-approves-bill-to-hack-the-state-department.
14 Office of the Privacy Commissioner of Canada Privacy Tech-Know Blog – Your Identity: Ways services can robustly authenticate you, https://www.priv.gc.ca/en/blog/20170105/.
15 Cybercriminals intercept codes used for banking to empty your accounts, https://www.kaspersky.com/blog/ss7-hacked/25529/; AT&T gets sued over two-factor security flaws and $23M cryptocurrency theft, https://www.fastcompany.com/90219499/att-gets-sued-over-two-factor-security-flaws-and-23m-cryptocurrency-theft.
16 Standards body warned SMS 2FA is insecure and nobody listened, https://www.theregister.co.uk/2016/12/06/2fa_missed_warning/.

Accountability and the Canadian Government’s Reporting of Computer Vulnerabilities and Exploits

Photo by Taskin Ashiq on Unsplash

I have a new draft paper that outlines why the Canadian government should develop, and publish, the guidelines it uses when determining whether to acquire, use, or disclose computer- and computer-system vulnerabilities. At its crux, the paper argues that an accountability system was developed in the 1970s based on the intrusiveness of government wiretaps and that state-used malware is just as, if not more so, intrusive. Government agencies should be held to at least as high a standard, today, as they were forty years ago (and, arguably, an even higher one today than in the past). It’s important to recognize that while the paper argues for a focus on defensive cybersecurity — disclosing vulnerabilities as a default in order to enhance the general security of all Canadians and residents of Canada, as well as to improve the security of all government of Canada institutions — it recognizes that some vulnerabilities may be retained to achieve a limited subset of investigative and intelligence operations. As such, the paper does not rule out the use of malware by state actors but, instead, seeks to restrict the use of such malware while also drawing its use into a publicly visible accountability regime.

I’m very receptive to comments on this paper and will seek to incorporate feedback before sending the paper to an appropriate journal around mid-December.

Abstract:

Computer security vulnerabilities can be exploited by unauthorized parties to affect targeted systems contrary to the preferences their owner or controller. Companies routinely issue patches to remediate the vulnerabilities after learning that the vulnerabilities exist. However, these flaws are sometimes obtained, used, and kept secret by government actors, who assert that revealing vulnerabilities would undermine intelligence, security, or law enforcement operations. This paper argues that a publicly visible accountability regime is needed to control the discovery, purchase, use, and reporting of computer exploits by Canadian government actors for two reasons. First, because when utilized by Canadian state actors the vulnerabilities could be leveraged to deeply intrude into the private lives of citizens, and legislative precedent indicates that such intrusions should be carefully regulated so that the legislature can hold the government to account. Second, because the vulnerabilities underlying any exploits could be discovered or used by a range of hostile operators to subsequently threaten Canadian citizens’ and residents’ of Canada personal security or the integrity of democratic institutions. On these bases, it is of high importance that the government of Canada formally develop, publish, and act according to an accountability regime that would regulate its agencies’ exploitation of computer vulnerabilities.

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